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POTUS 46.10: A New Hope

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Elon tweeted he was going to release factcheck info on how the media squashed the Hunter Biden story in 40 minutes...his psychos and RWNJs flocked to twitter...then he delayed it yo further factcheck. He literally baited them to boost Twitters numbers and they all feel for it!
 
Elon tweeted he was going to release factcheck info on how the media squashed the Hunter Biden story in 40 minutes...his psychos and RWNJs flocked to twitter...then he delayed it yo further factcheck. He literally baited them to boost Twitters numbers and they all feel for it!

Elon in on the grift? Say it ain’t so. Shocking, I say.
 
... and then it was released by Matt Taibbi.


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The fact that you don’t understand this (or more likely, refuse to publicly acknowledge for political reasons) says a lot.

According to Silver, Biden was up 15 points in SC before Clyburn's endorsement.

Clyburn's endorsement came on 2/26/20: https://www.politico.com/news/2020/0...e-biden-117667 and https://www.cnn.com/2020/02/26/polit...rses-joe-biden
Silver's analysis on 2/27/20 with poll numbers pre-Clyburn discussing Biden's (pre-Clyburn) surge: https://fivethirtyeight.com/features...outh-carolina/
 
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I keep coming back to this question. Aside from the misunderstanding of what the 1st Amendment is, what's the story here? That they're open to working with governments and political leaders? So, they're like, every other company? In Taibbi's own drivel, he acknowledges that the Trump campaign - you know, the campaign of the sitting President of the United States at the time - had the same relationship with Twitter.



Of course we know the story. How convenient that this is dumped on a Friday night, a mere few days after the same former President had dinner with an open Nazi and one of the most confused people in the entertainment industry. The same day the 11th Circuit slapped down the obviously bullshit documents lawsuit. The same week Elon lets Trump - and other open nazis - back on Twitter.

So now Fox News, et al, have something new to lie about. Hooray!
 
The fact that you don’t understand this (or more likely, refuse to publicly acknowledge for political reasons) says a lot.

The fact that you don't even realize how wrong you are about it says even more. Clyburn didn't "save his azz" in any way but keep on making a fool of yourself! I never pegged you for one of the psycho Bernie Bros. (relax Kepler you know the ones I am talking about)
 
According to Silver, Biden was up 15 points in SC before Clyburn's endorsement.

Clyburn's endorsement came on 2/26/20: https://www.politico.com/news/2020/0...e-biden-117667 and https://www.cnn.com/2020/02/26/polit...rses-joe-biden
Silver's analysis on 2/27/20 with poll numbers pre-Clyburn discussing Biden's (pre-Clyburn) surge: https://fivethirtyeight.com/features...outh-carolina/

Got thrown off by clicking and reading about something called a "Tom Steyer" in 3rd place and that was a flashback to the past.
 
The fact that you don’t understand this (or more likely, refuse to publicly acknowledge for political reasons) says a lot.

Yes, yes, we'll use you going forward as the beacon of a non-partisan, above the political fray, good faith actor.

Two things: what qualified the plaintiffs in the Texas student loan forgiveness case to be granted standing in the first place? I know you told all of us when you first chimed in on the conversation that we all should have recognized that standing was far more important in cases than we realize, especially this particular case, but aside from displaying a complete lack of understanding that most of us knew this particular case hinged on standing, you didn't explicitly state why these particular plaintiffs should have been granted standing. I want to know how it's possible that two people, who simultaneously think the program should be illegal, but claim they're being injured by a program they don't want existing in the first place, because it provides other people more help than them, were granted standing.
More importantly, I also want to hear why you think the major questions doctrine is somehow a more non-partisan, or perhaps less opaque, way to decide court cases than, say, using the Chevron principle, since Pittman used the major questions doctrine to overturn Biden's student loan forgiveness. Has the Supreme Court, or any court, ever explicitly laid out the precise scope or applicability of the major questions doctrine? The Congressional Research Service doesn't think so, but maybe you know more than them. I mean, for someone who thinks Congress somehow wasn't explicit enough in its authorization for the executive branch to waive or modify student loans in times of a national emergency, it's strange that something far more opaque and unexplained in the major questions doctrine sits perfectly okay with you.
 
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Yes, yes, we'll use you going forward as the beacon of a non-partisan, above the political fray, good faith actor.

Two things: what qualified the plaintiffs in the Texas student loan forgiveness case to be granted standing in the first place? I know you told all of us when you first chimed in on the conversation that we all should have recognized that standing was far more important in cases than we realize, especially this particular case, but aside from displaying a complete lack of understanding that most of us knew this particular case hinged on standing, you didn't explicitly state why these particular plaintiffs should have been granted standing. I want to know how it's possible that two people, who simultaneously think the program should be illegal, but claim they're being injured by a program they don't want existing in the first place, because it provides other people more help than them, were granted standing.
More importantly, I also want to hear why you think the major questions doctrine is somehow a more non-partisan, or perhaps less opaque, way to decide court cases than, say, using the Chevron principle, since Pittman used the major questions doctrine to overturn Biden's student loan forgiveness. Has the Supreme Court, or any court, ever explicitly laid out the precise scope or applicability of the major questions doctrine? The Congressional Research Service doesn't think so, but maybe you know more than them. I mean, for someone who thinks Congress somehow wasn't explicit enough in its authorization for the executive branch to waive or modify student loans in times of a national emergency, it's strange that something far more opaque and unexplained in the major questions doctrine sits perfectly okay with you.

Here is what I said in my post, but if what I have bolded in your post is how you interpreted my writing, so be it.

I don't know what's going to happen in this case. A lot of times they seem to get decided on something like standing or something other that what all of the rest of us might think is the real issue.


As for the Texas case, it appears the judge found standing to sue. Contrary to what you posted about me, I haven't taken a position on whether these two particular plaintiffs should or should not have been granted standing. I haven't studied the case in detail, but from what I've read, the judge found that the plaintiffs, one of whom received federal student aid through a commercial lender (and thus was ineligible) and one who did not receive a Pell grant (and thus was only partially eligible) had enough of an "injury" to provide standing. I guess we'll see if that is true or not. As I mentioned in my initial post, it seems like a lot of challenges to agency decisions get bounced on standing, so if I was asked to bet, I'd probably bet that way. But it wouldn't be the first bet I've lost either.

Second, you ask, I also want to hear why you think the major questions doctrine is somehow a more non-partisan, or perhaps less opaque, way to decide court cases than, say, using the Chevron principle, since Pittman used the major questions doctrine to overturn Biden's student loan forgiveness.

Honestly, I don't think I ever expressed such an opinion. Further, I don't think this rests on which way may be more "non-partisan."

Since there have been government agencies created by Congress to further Congressional intent, there has always been a question as to the agencies authority. That didn't start with Chevron. Jeebus, Chevron was decided after I left college. In fact, I think it's been argued that Chevron really didn't change the law at all, but probably articulated better the Court's thinking on it at that point in time.

But, as with a lot of Supreme Court decisions, future cases seek to chip away at or add to the earlier decision, and Chevron has been no different. I think the whole "major questions doctrine" is just a part of that. I don't have any idea if this is true or not, but I've always assumed that some sort of "major questions doctrine" applied when the Supremes make their decisions on these agency interpretations. When the questions are of relatively minor import, I suspect the SC is more likely to say, "meh, we'll defer to the agency." But if it's a biggy, they may be more apt to take a closer look, but that's just my opinion.

I have no idea which way the case will turn out, and as I said before, I personally really don't even care that much. I like to see government operate in the correct way, but beyond that, I have no axe to grind on this particular issue.
 
So, skipping straight to the point: You think what Biden did was illegal. Why? If the major questions doctrine isn't what you'd use to strike it down, what would you use? If the plaintiffs in Pittman's case aren't the ones you'd grant standing to, maybe because you're not as fucking stupid or partisan as Pittman, how about the ones in the student loan forgiveness case the Supreme Court agreed to decide on the merits before the Court of Appeals had an opportunity to do so? If yes, based on what?
 
So, skipping straight to the point: You think what Biden did was illegal. Why? If the major questions doctrine isn't what you'd use to strike it down, what would you use? If the plaintiffs in Pittman's case aren't the ones you'd grant standing to, maybe because you're not as fucking stupid or partisan as Pittman, how about the ones in the student loan forgiveness case the Supreme Court agreed to decide on the merits before the Court of Appeals had an opportunity to do so? If yes, based on what?

Well, there are a lot of questions here. I will see if I can give you an answer to them, but part of it will just be an explanation of my view of cases like this, so you will understand my position.

First, when I think of the term "illegal," I think of a term that defines conduct for which you can be prosecuted. I understand that generally it just means contrary to law, but I tend to think of it more in terms of the criminal side to things, so no, I do not believe that Biden or his administration/agencies acted in an illegal fashion.

Next, the issue of "standing." Honestly, I've always assumed that judges sort of treat standing as Potter Stewart treated pornography. Not completely sure how you'd define it, but they know it when they see it. Now, is that right? Probably not. But I tend to think that if judges want to decide a case, they find a way to conclude the plaintiff has standing, and if they really don't want to decide a case, they find a way to determine there is no standing. Call me a cynic.

Finally, the issue of agency authority. People get hung up on things like the "major issues doctrine" or other names assigned by the courts or people to what they are doing. But, at the end of the day, it really boils down to these simple things:

Congress needs to be able to delegate authority to agencies. There is simply too much work to do, and they need agency expertise.
When Congress passes laws, they need to delegate that authority. By necessity, that delegation has to be somewhat general. But it can't be too general, otherwise we just basically have governing by non-elected government employees.

This need to be both specific, and general, necessarily always leads to court interpretation of the grant of authority. Since agency delegation was first used (yes, both before and after Chevron), the question has always basically been, is it reasonable to conclude that Congress granted the agency the authority to do what it is doing?

Those are the hard cases for courts to work with. Reading Congress' mind is not a simple task. I tend to believe that Court's are influenced by a lot of different things in making that determination, but one might certainly be the scope of what the agency proposes to do. I tend to think that the larger and more significant the impact on people and society, and in the absence of detailed delegation language in the law passed by Congress, the more likely it is that a court will question whether Congress really delegated that significant authority to just an agency. In other words, it isn't "reasonable" to conclude that Congress intended to simply pass along that much authority to an agency. Now, whether you want to call that a "major questions doctrine" or simply "unreasonable to assume authority was granted," I don't think it really matters that much.
 
psych, the other thing that kind of aggravates me about a case like this is that people seem to think that it's the end of the world, or that somehow we are being ruled by a cabal of Republican appointed judges.

Even if the Supreme Court decides that the Department of Education was not granted authority by Congress in 2003 to forgive all these student loans, that's literally all the SCOTUS is doing. They are just saying, "you haven't yet been given authority." They are not saying that you can't be given authority, or that forgiving student loans, in general, is not allowed.

It's an easy fix. If Congress intended to allow the Sec of Education to forgive certain student loans, pass a law that clearly states that and there will be nothing the SCOTUS or anyone else can do about it.

I can't come up with an example for you, but I'm pretty certain that's been done before, where Congress passes a law that includes delegation of authority, courts rule that authority wasn't clearly granted, and Congress goes back and fixes it.
 
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