Why do I have a sneaking suspicion if the 9th Circuit made the exact same ruling, you'd call it judicial activism?
I'm referring to the dumping of chemicals into the water as it crossed the Mexican border throughout the sixties and seventies. It may not technically be a violation, because the water crossed the border, but it was so polluted that a lot of people, including officials at the the US BOR, felt that it was a breach of the treaty of 1944.Just out of curiosity, what specific circumstances are you citing that international water treaties have been broken, since you haven't cited specific cases to date.
... the Justices describ[ed] the Department of Housing and Urban Development's aggressive assertion of its regulatory authority a "palpable overreach."
....
[This ruling] upholdthe idea that Congress makes laws and the bureaucracy implements them. Writing for the court, Justice Antonin Scalia declared the bureaucracy's Respa interpretation was "manifestly inconsistent with the statute HUD purported to construe." The law's text "clearly describes two distinct exchanges," he noted, not an exchange of fees of a company with itself.
In the unending battle against regulatory overreach, Freeman is a pretty big deal and has implications beyond the world of real-estate settlement. The Department of Justice, for example, is aggressively using so-called "disparate-impact" analysis, a type of statistical technique that ignores intent, to accuse financial institutions of discrimination under the 1968 Fair Housing Act and 1974 Equal Credit Opportunity Act. Neither law has text that supports these interpretations. Freeman suggests the Justices also would be inclined to curb these overreaches.
The Supreme Court's ideological divisions over abortion and the like are well known. Let it be noted, however, that this Court does not look favorably on regulators unabashedly assuming the powers of lawmakers. Freeman sends a clear message to regulators to do the job they're asked to do, and nothing more.
in Hosanna-Tabor Church v. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission....The Supreme Court ruled 9-0 in January that punishing a church for failing to retain an unwanted teacher "interferes with the internal governance of the church, depriving the church of control over the selection of those who will personify its beliefs." Such interference, it concluded, violates the First Amendment's Free Exercise and Establishment Clauses.
In United States v. Jones....While the justices had differing opinions on why this action violated the Fourth Amendment...all agreed it was unconstitutional.
in Sackett v. Environmental Protection Agency, ... the court unanimously rejected [the Federal government's] position.
The government's arguments across a wide variety of cases would essentially allow Congress and the executive branch to do whatever they wanted without meaningful constitutional restraint. This view is at odds with another unanimous Supreme Court decision, Bond v. United States (2011). Bond vindicated a criminal defendant's right to challenge the use of federal power to prosecute her. As Justice Kennedy wrote, "[F]ederalism protects the liberty of the individual from arbitrary power. When government acts in excess of its lawful powers, that liberty is at stake."
If the government loses in the health-care or immigration cases, it won't be because its lawyers had a bad day in court or because the justices ruled based on their political preferences. It will be because the Obama administration continues to make legal arguments that don't pass the smell test.
Just to clarify, where along the U.S. border were chemicals being dumped in as water crossed into Mexico in the 60s and 70s? I know on the Colorado, the main issue has been the volume of water at times that has crossed the border into Mexico (though that's been mandated by treaty and followed as far as I know for a good while now). There aren't very many places water even crosses the border with Mexico.I'm referring to the dumping of chemicals into the water as it crossed the Mexican border throughout the sixties and seventies. It may not technically be a violation, because the water crossed the border, but it was so polluted that a lot of people, including officials at the the US BOR, felt that it was a breach of the treaty of 1944.
On the other hand, I am given to understand that the shoe may now be on the other foot, as Mexico has fallen behind on water delivery to the US.
stolen valor act (can the government make it illegal to lie about military service, even where there is no personal gain being sought?)
Of all the cases, I find this one to be the most interesting.
I would assume the Court finds it illegal - it's a pro 1st Amendment court and, in the absence of fraud, I dont see how the government can make it illegal to say whatever the hell you want to say, truthful or not.
Four justices—Chief Justice John Roberts and Justices Samuel Alito, Stephen Breyer and Anthony Kennedy—joined in a strong opinion that would give prosecutors more leeway in using lab reports without having to put the analysts who prepared them on the witness stand.
Four others—Justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Elena Kagan, Antonin Scalia and Sonia Sotomayor—said the Constitution doesn't permit the use of the lab analysis that helped convict Mr. Williams.
In the middle was Justice Thomas, writing only for himself, but controlling the outcome of the case. He said the lab report used in this case couldn't be considered testimonial and so doesn't fall under the Constitution's cross-examination requirement. The report "lacks the solemnity of an affidavit or deposition, for it is neither a sworn nor a certified declaration of fact," Justice Thomas said. It may be used at trial, but the judge who presided at Mr. Williams's bench trial in the absence of a jury didn't have to lend it much credence.
You can't say you're a cop. Knowing nothing about the law involved, it seems to me that the "impersonating an officer" angle might be a way in completely skirting the First Amendment.I would assume the Court finds it illegal - it's a pro 1st Amendment court and, in the absence of fraud, I dont see how the government can make it illegal to say whatever the hell you want to say, truthful or not.
You can't say you're a cop. Knowing nothing about the law involved, it seems to me that the "impersonating an officer" angle might be a way in completely skirting the First Amendment.
It's illegal to impersonate a cop to use the authority associated with it. It's not illegal to say "I'm a cop" in some context where it doesn't matter. (I can't think of such a context off hand, but then I'm also not a pathological liar).
It's illegal to impersonate a cop to use the authority associated with it. It's not illegal to say "I'm a cop" in some context where it doesn't matter. (I can't think of such a context off hand, but then I'm also not a pathological liar).
Hot lady cop strippers.On-line dating? Pickup line in bar? Resumé? ("I worked undercover so they won't verify that I was there if you ask them.....")
Then there is this guy in my home state: http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs...ficer/2012/06/21/gJQA5k01tV_blog.html?hpid=z3It's illegal to impersonate a cop to use the authority associated with it. It's not illegal to say "I'm a cop" in some context where it doesn't matter. (I can't think of such a context off hand, but then I'm also not a pathological liar).
The Supreme Court upheld a key part of Arizona's tough immigration law but struck down others as intrusions on federal sovereignty, in a ruling that gave both sides something to cheer in advance of November elections where immigration is a major issue.
The court backed a section of the Arizona state law that calls for police to check the immigration status of people they stop.
That section was one of four at issue before the high court. The others make it a crime for immigrants without work permits to seek employment; make it a crime for immigrants to fail to carry registration documents, and authorize the police to arrest any immigrant they believe has committed a deportable offense. Those other three provisions were struck down.
Five justices were in the majority choosing to strike down the three provisions. Dissenting justices argued that the whole law should have been upheld.
Justice Anthony Kennedy wrote the majority opinion, joined by Chief Justice John Roberts, and Justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Stephen Breyer and Sonia Sotomayor. The dissenters were Justices Antonin Scalia, Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito. Justice Elena Kagan was recused in the case.